The Rights of Man: A founding father discusses Child Benefits and Social Security

Thomas Paine should be well-known to anyone who has even a superficial knowledge of the founding of our country. His work "Common Sense" was one of the driving forces behind the colonies' eventual declaration of their independence, and his series "The American Crisis" ("These are the times that try men's souls: The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of his country; but he that stands by it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman") are regarded with almost religious reverence by patriotic citizens. They are also rather entertaining, if you are interested in that sort of thing. A close associate of the authors of the Constitution, he was dedicated to the principles therein and wished everyone to have the benefits he perceived as resulting from our form of government.

This is why he wrote and published "The Rights of Man," returning to his native country of England for the purpose. One Edmund Burke had written a pamphlet about how rotten the French revolution was and how wonderful it was to have an aristocracy and a king. This made Thomas Paine quite angry, and led to the aforementioned text about how rotten having a hereditary government was in that it crushed the natural rights of man. This in turn led to him being condemned to death in England, but, having left to France, Thomas Paine was unavailable to receive this recognition of his literary accomplishments.

In the following quotes, Paine has, for the time being, finished explaining how the aristocracy and monarchy were simply drains on the financial resources of the country, the only contribution in return being mismanagement and self-serving policies, crushing the natural, inalienable rights. This being the case, he argues that they must be tossed out. After getting rid of the aristocracy and monarchy and lowering unneeded expenditures on various government functions, he notes that there will suddenly be many pounds of taxes now in excess. That he suggests that the taxes then be lowered should not come as a surprise to anyone, nor that he suggests that more of it be used to reduce national debt. What he proposes next may come as a surprise:

"It is easily seen, that the poor are generally composed of large families of children, and old people past their labour. If these two classes are provided for, the remedy will so far reach to the full extent of the case, that what remains will be incidental, and, in a great measure, fall within the compass of benefit clubs, which, though of humble invention, merit to be ranked among the best of modern institutions..."

"Having thus ascertained the greatest number that can be supposed to need support on account of young families, I proceed to the mode of relief or distribution, which is,

To pay as a remission of taxes to every poor family, out of the surplus taxes, and in room of poor-rates, four pounds a year for every child under fourteen years of age; enjoining the parents of such children to send them to school, to learn reading, writing, and common arithmetic; the ministers of every parish, of every denomination to certify jointly to an office, for that purpose, that this duty is performed. The amount of this expense will be,

    For six hundred and thirty thousand children
     at four pounds per annum each                    L2,520,000

"By adopting this method, not only the poverty of the parents will be relieved, but ignorance will be banished from the rising generation, and the number of poor will hereafter become less, because their abilities, by the aid of education, will be greater. Many a youth, with good natural genius, who is apprenticed to a mechanical trade, such as a carpenter, joiner, millwright, shipwright, blacksmith, etc., is prevented getting forward the whole of his life from the want of a little common education when a boy..."

"Besides these there will be constantly thrown off from the revolutions of that wheel which no man can stop nor regulate, a number from every class of life connected with commerce and adventure."

"To provide for all those accidents, and whatever else may befall, I take the number of persons who, at one time or other of their lives, after fifty years of age, may feel it necessary or comfortable to be better supported, than they can support themselves, and that not as a matter of grace and favour, but of right, at one-third of the whole number, which is one hundred and forty thousand, as stated in a previous page, and for whom a distinct provision was proposed to be made..."

"To pay to such person of the age of fifty years, and until he shall arrive at the age of sixty, the sum of six pounds per annum out of the surplus taxes, and ten pounds per annum during life after the age of sixty. The expense of which will be,

    Seventy thousand persons, at L6 per annum      L  420,000
    Seventy thousand persons, at L10 per annum        700,000
                                                      ———-
                                                   L1,120,000

"This support, as already remarked, is not of the nature of a charity but of a right. Every person in England, male and female, pays on an average in taxes two pounds eight shillings and sixpence per annum from the day of his (or her) birth; and, if the expense of collection be added, he pays two pounds eleven shillings and sixpence; consequently, at the end of fifty years he has paid one hundred and twenty-eight pounds fifteen shillings; and at sixty one hundred and fifty-four pounds ten shillings. Converting, therefore, his (or her) individual tax in a tontine, the money he shall receive after fifty years is but little more than the legal interest of the net money he has paid; the rest is made up from those whose circumstances do not require them to draw such support, and the capital in both cases defrays the expenses of government."

Here Thomas Paine argues for a measure to reduce child poverty and provide for those that are past their prime, issues that are not irrelevant to our discussions in class. Or is this irrelevant? Does it have any bearing on what we are discussing in class? Does his treatment on poverty back then relate in any way to poverty today? Does his suggestion to support children in poverty with a yearly amount taken from taxes surprise anyone? How about the financial support of the elderly as a "right?" I am very interested to hear your reactions and comments.